Monday, August 7, 2000

Townsville Bulletin - "Gay couples `better prepared for parenthood'" by Craig Baxter

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SAME sex couples put more thought into becoming parents than some ``normal'' couples and should not be denied access to IVF treatment, a Townsville gay woman says.

Jennifer Jefferies, owner of The Perfect Potion aromatherapy shop in Flinders Mall, says physiological constraints and society's prejudices meant same sex couples had to prepare thoroughly for parenthood.

``There are no accidents or surprise (pregnancies),'' Ms Jefferies said. ``We have to plan it all.

``And (because) we know our children might grow up in a bigoted area, we take it very seriously.''

Ms Jefferies and her partner do not have children, but would consider it in the future.

She said the opposition of the Prime Minister and the Member for Herbert Peter Lindsay to IVF access for same sex couples was ``really disappointing''.

She said the views of Mr Howard and Mr Lindsay were discriminatory.

``It's everyone's individual right to make a choice and have access,'' she said.

``I'm disappointed that it's the year 2000 and access is still denied.''

Last week John Howard moved to override the decision of a Victorian court allowing a single woman to undergo IVF treatment.

Mr Lindsay supported Mr Howard's stance, saying children needed a mother and a father.

But Ms Jefferies said a mum and dad did not guarantee a happy family.
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Saturday, April 15, 2000

Sunday Age - "From gay man to gay dad, and midnight feeds to rave reviews - WENDY TUOHY Meets ... Campion Decent" by Wendy Tuohy

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Like any proud father, Campion Decent has photos of the kids at the ready, to be flashed at a moment's notice if asked. There are his three-year-old twins on pool-side lounges, wrapped in towels, beaming... "Little Lord and Lady Fauntleroy, I call them." When their mother moved home from Sydney to Melbourne two years ago, Mr Decent, a playwright and arts administrator, did not hesitate to relocate as well. So did his partner, a lawyer called Simon. Mr Decent (pronounced "descent"), a former director of the Sydney Gay and Lesbian Mardi Gras and editor of the gay community paper the Sydney Star Observer, landed a job as director of the forthcoming Next Wave youth arts festival in Melbourne. "I think ... there is a duty of care to the child or children you are going to bring into the world," says Mr Decent of his decision to move, enjoying the sunshine at the rooftop cafe of the Next Wave/Radio 3RRR building in Fitzroy. Are people fascinated by the apparent gay parent contradiction? "Yes. I had one dinner party in Melbourne last year where there was a straight man there, and I was there with my partner, and he obviously knew I was gay. And then someone else said, `How are the kids?' He was curious but confused - and really interested in the mechanics of how we'd done it and what the repercussions had been. "It is an inherently interesting story to some people, but at the same time it's so regular. It's so mundane, it's so much about the normal parenting issues of vomit on the baby's bib, and the cold, and the wake-up in the middle of the night, and `How are we going to entertain the kids?' - it's just so regular." Last year, Mr Decent was persuaded by the Sydney theatre director David Fenton that his experiences as a gay parent were interesting enough to write about. Though he had reservations about the personal nature of the material, he agreed to write, and the play, Baby X, made its debut at Sydney's Belvoir Street theatre in February. It opens in Melbourne at the Playbox on April 19. "A kind of fantasia on gay parenting," the play opens with the main character being asked by two lesbian friends to donate sperm for a baby. Mr Descent became a father after he was chosen as sperm donor by two of his lesbian friends. (Neither he nor the biological mother considered that the gene for twins in their families would result in two babies.) Reviews praised the play for its mischievous humor and humanity. It parallels the development of the baby in the womb with the emotional journey of the parents. It "challenges assumptions ... tackles notions of identity and detonates a few bombs in the minefield of political correctness," said one critic. Mr Decent, the son of a salesman and a radio actress who gave him her maiden name as his Christian name, says issues about his identity as a gay man are "heightened and theatrical" in the play. "I certainly didn't go through it to the extent that the play details, but it was a moment in time where I started to think about my identity. " I was going to be a father and, as a gay man, I never thought that was going to be a choice open to me ... I've always loved kids, but it's just something I thought I wouldn't get a chance to do. I didn't realise I would take myself out of that box." Mr Decent studied creative arts at Wollongong University, did a masters degree in theatre studies at the University of New South Wales, then attended the playwrights' studio at the National Institute of Dramatic Arts. His first play won a national award in 1988. At 35, he has an impressive list of arts appointments behind him: he was director of the Sydney Mardi Gras in 1994 and 1995; program manager for theatre and dance with the New South Wales Ministry for the Arts; then senior program officer for theatre with the Australia Council. Although he considers himself a writer first, Mr Decent says the gift of being organised has helped him as a facilitator for other artists. He is knee-deep in arrangements for the Next Wave festival, in which the works of between 500 and 600 young Melbourne artists will feature at 70 events. The theme of the festival is `Wide Awake - Dreaming at Twilight', an opportunity for young people to express what they want to say to themselves, the broader community and the next generation. As for the future, Mr Decent is keeping an open mind. Does he know where he will be in five years? "I find that an astonishing question. I know some people can do it, but the events of the past two or or three years have really taught me that it's one day at a time." wtuohy@theage.fairfax.com.au
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Tuesday, April 11, 2000

Australian Parliament - "Research Note: Same Sex Couple Adoption: The Situation in Canada and Australia" by Tanya Canny

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Introduction

Same sex parenting is becoming more common, yet parenting by gay and lesbian couples is not recognised under Australian law; same sex couples may not marry and currently there is no provision for joint adoption applications from same sex couples.(1)

This note will briefly examine the law in Australia, the law in Canada and the outcome of a recent landmark Canadian decision concerning same sex adoption.

The Law in Australia

In Australia, the law governing adoption is mainly contained in State and Territory legislation. That legislation determines who may adopt and be recognised as the parent of a child. While the Family Law Act 1975 regulates private aspects of parenting such as with whom a child lives or has contact, it does so against the background of parental status as determined by State/Territory laws.(2) Generally speaking, Australia's adoption laws are geared towards heterosexual couples. The law in Victoria and NSW will be used as illustrative examples.

Victoria

In Victoria The Adoption Act 1984 states:

An adoption order may be made in favour of a man and a woman who are married to each other and have been so married for not less than two years.(3)

As well as de facto relationships, traditional indigenous marriages are also given recognition. The Act goes on to state that where the Court is satisfied that special circumstances exist, it may make an adoption order in favour of one person.(4) In some instances under the Children and Young Persons Act 1989 (which is unique to Victoria) same sex couples may be granted permanent care orders.(5) However, permanent care, unlike adoption, does not sever parental ties, so same sex couples face the prospect of the child's biological parent(s) playing an on going role in the child's life, or possibly having the child legally returned to the biological parent(s).

New South Wales

The Adoption of Children Act 1965 states:

An adoption order shall not be made otherwise than in favour of a husband and wife jointly.(6)

The Court may make an adoption order in favour of a man and a woman who are living together as husband and wife on a bona fide domestic basis although not married.(7) Where the Court is satisfied that in the particular circumstances of the case it is desirable to do so, the court may make an adoption order in favour of one person.(8)

The Law in Canada

Canadian law has not recognised same sex couples in the way it has married couples (and in some cases, opposite sex defacto couples). However the courts have had to grapple with a growing number of challenges to legislation and policies which treat these couples differently, particularly challenges which have been based on the principle of equality enshrined in the Canadian Charter of Human Rights and Freedoms 1982 (the Charter), and in provincial and federal human rights legislation. These challenges have focused on a range of legislation and policies, including marriage, adoption and pension plans.

The Canadian Charter of Human Rights and Freedoms 1982

Section 15 of the Charter guarantees every person the equal benefit and protection of the law without discrimination. In particular the Charter prohibits discrimination on grounds of sex. The Supreme Court of Canada has held that sexual orientation is an additional ground of discrimination prohibited by the Charter.(9) Canadian federal and provincial anti-discrimination law now prohibits discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation. In fact in Haig v Canada(10)and Vriend v Alberta,(11) it was held that failure to prohibit discrimination on the grounds of sexual orientation in the Canadian Human Rights 1985 and the Individual's Rights Protection Act 1980 violated s15 of the Charter-it denied homosexual people the formal equality and protection from discrimination given other disadvantaged groups.

In the case of Re K and B,(12) the Ontario Court found the Child and Family Services Act 1990 (Ontario) infringed section 15 of the Charter by not allowing same sex couples to bring a joint application for adoption. The court modified the Act's definition of spouse to include same sex couples, thereby permitting same sex joint applications under the Act. As the result of legislative amendments same sex couples may also jointly apply to adopt in the provinces of Quebec, British Columbia, Ontario and Saskatchewan. These provinces have already amended laws to remove discrimination against gay men and lesbians, following a Supreme Court of Canada ruling that homosexual couples should enjoy the same rights as heterosexual couples.

Landmark Decision: Re A

Alberta can be added to the list of provinces that permits same sex couples to adopt jointly. The judgement in Re A was given on November 26, 1999 in the Alberta Court of Queens Bench by Martin J.(13) The questions addressed by the Judge were whether the definition of 'spouse' in the spousal adoption provisions of the Child Welfare Act 1984 included same sex couples, and, if not, whether these sections violate section 15 of the Charter.

Martin J summarised the issues as follows:

* It is reasonable and just to interpret the term 'step-parent' to include same sex couples. (In particular because the legislature acknowledged that there are diverse family structures.)
* Same sex couples may constitute 'families', able to perform enumerated functions to the same extent as traditional families.
* The overriding consideration must be: the nature of the petitioner's relationship with the child, i.e. whether that person has made a commitment to assume the role of the parent to that child .

Given the answer to the first question was that the legislative definition included same sex couples, the Charter issue was not addressed. However Martin J did note that in Re K and B the court found that a restrictive definition of 'spouse' in adoption legislation was unconstitutional.

Outcomes

In his ruling, Martin J approved the adoptions, looking past the traditional approach and focussing instead on the best interests of the children. He held that the lesbian couple were amply qualified to become the legal parent of a child that they had raised since birth. He pointed out that every case is decided on the basis of individual facts, and, as in all cases, the application will only be approved if the court is satisfied that it is in the best interests of the child.

The Role of Legislation

Adoption legislation provides minimum requirements for eligibility, guiding the Court as to what it must examine in considering whether to grant an order for adoption. In Re A, Martin J stated that legislation should only look to the suitability of parents, rather than to their sexual orientation. Comparable propositions were made on this issue by a NSW Law Reform Commission Report in 1997 which stated that legislation should support flexibility and adaptability in agency decision-making, rather than restrict the types of adoptive parents able to be considered by adoption professionals.(14) As the Report says, '[t]here is no established connection, positive or negative, between people's sexual orientation and their suitability as adoptive parents.'(15)

Arguably, legislation must take into consideration different types of family structure, differences in the lifecycle stages and differing community contexts.(16) It must also be examined to ensure that it is based on assumptions that reflect current attitudes and beliefs.

Conclusion

The law in Australia has not moved in the same direction as Canada on the issue of granting same sex couples adoption rights. In fact, like many other countries, same sex couples face discrimination in many Australian pieces of legislation- State, Territory and Commonwealth. In legal terms, the traditional nuclear family is still paramount. The growing popularity of gay parenting is set to cause its own share of legal complications, especially when gay men and lesbians want to be actively participating in parental caring. Canadian decisions in various provinces and the most recent ruling in Alberta do not mean that gays and lesbians will automatically be granted adoption rights. The best interests of the children involved will be considered in same sex cases, as it is in other applications. Canada has explored these issues, while Australian courts and parliaments have yet to address or consider them in detail. It is conceivable that Australia might choose to utilise Canadian precedent in this area.

1. See for example 'Gay groups seek changes to parenting laws', Sunday Age, 9 Jan 2000; Jenni Millbank 'The De Facto Relationships Amendment Bill 1998', Australasian Gay and Lesbian Law Journal, vol. 8, May 1999; William Rubenstein, 'We are family: a reflection on the search for legal recognition of lesbian and gay relationships' Journal of Law and Politics, vol. 8, no. 1, Fall 1991.

2. Danny Sandor, 'Same Sex Couples can Adopt in Ontario: The Canadian Case of Re K and its Significance to Australian Family Law', Australian Journal of Family Law, vol. 11, March 1997, p.38.

3. Subsection 11 (1)(a).

4. Subsection 11(3)

5. Section 112

6. Subsection 19(1)

7. Subsection 19 (1A)

8. Subsection 19(2) and (1B).

9. Vriend v Alberta (1998) 156 DLR (4th).

10. (1992) 94 DLR (4th).

11. (1998) 156 DLR (4th).

12. (1995) 125 DLR (4th) 653.

13. [1999] A.J. No. 1349.

14. NSW Law Reform Commission Report 81, Review of the Adoption of Children Act 1965 (1997). Chapters 6.

15. ibid, p. 230.

16. ibid.

[Link: Original Article]
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Thursday, July 1, 1999

Ferkauf Graduate School of Psychology - "Using Qualitative Research to Study the Social Reconstruction of Gender Roles: The Case of Gay Fathers"

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Carl Auerbach, Ph. D.
Louise B. Silverstein, Ph. D

Yeshiva University

Paper presented at the Association for Qualitative Research, July 8, 1999 Melbourne, Australia

Correspondence should be addressed to Carl Auerbach, Ph. D. Ferkauf Graduate School of Psychology, Bronx, NY 10461, USA. Electronic mail may be sent to carlauer@aol.com

I want to do two things in this talk. First, I want to describe and theorize about how gay men are becoming fathers in same-sex partnerships. Second, I want to describe the grounded theory methodology by which we did this work.

The context of our research is the historical process in which we are all involved, namely the social reconstruction of family and gender roles, and the development of alternative family structures. Of these structures, gay and lesbian parenting is one of the most controversial. Of course, gay men and lesbian women have been raising children for centuries. However, they did so invisibly until the gay rights movement began to demand social recognition and legal protection for homosexuals.

From this point, the development of gay and lesbian parenting can be divided into three phases, each of which is a progressive departure from the norms of the traditional heterosexual family. The first phase is one in which gays and lesbians become parents in the context of a heterosexual marriage. The second phase was the "lesbian baby boom" of the seventies and eighties, in which lesbian women had children in the context of a committed relationship with a partner. The third phase is the "gayby boom" of the eighties and nineties, inspired by and modeling itself on the earlier lesbian baby boom. This refers to the growing numbers of gay men in committed relationships who wanted to have and raise children, and brought children into their families by surrogacy or adoption.

Our study deals with this latter group.

Methodology

The research that I’m going to describe to you is part of a large scale study of the social evolution of American fatherhood that my colleague Louise Silverstein and I have been conducting over the past five years. We have been assisted by a large group of graduate students who do the research as part of their degree requirement. To date, we have completed data collection on over 200 fathers including Haitian-Christian fathers, Latino fathers, Promise Keeper fathers, Orthodox Jewish fathers, Greek Orthodox fathers, and gay fathers, one of which is the present research sample.

We collect data in focus groups. Each focus group is structured around a series of open-ended questions that take the research participants through a narrative account of their fathering experience. In the current study these questions were: (1) When did you first think about becoming a father? (2) Did you have any role models for parenting and how did they affect your parenting? (3) How did you arrive at the decision and go through the process of bringing a child into your life? (4) What is being a father like? (5) How did it change your life, your relationships, and your sense of yourself? (6) What do you tell your children about their family, and what are some of your concerns raising a child in a gay household? The group interviews were videotaped and transcribed. The transcripts are the material for the qualitative data analysis I will report.

Five groups were conducted, with four or five men in each group. The group moderator, Barbara Corteroni, was a white, female, graduate student who was motivated to learn more about the gay population because of her professional work as a school psychologist. The analysis I’ll give you later is Louise’s and my reanalysis of the material Barbara reported in her dissertation.

Let me now give you some of the basic demographics. There were 23 men in the study, all of whom were Caucasian, and middle to upper class. Their average age was 39. Their average income was $102,000. Eight men identified themselves as Protestant, five as Jewish, three as Catholic, and seven did not identify with any religion. There were 27 children in the families, 19 boys and 8 girls, and the average age of the children was 4. The ethnic origins of the children were 14 Caucasians, 8 Hispanics, 4 African-Americans, and one mixed. The most common method of bringing children into the family was adoption - 18 cases, followed by surrogacy - 7 cases.

Data Analysis

Let me now describe our data analysis procedure. Please take a look at Figure 1. As you see, it is "a progressive layering of meaning onto text in order to produce a theoretical narrative that answers and/or refines a research question." The figure illustrates the procedure and the layers of meaning involved. The procedure begins with raw text and a research question - the boxes at the top and bottom of the overhead. In our research the raw text is the transcribed interviews, and the research question is "How did the gay fathers go about restructuring the traditional fathering role?" The goal of the analysis is a "Theoretical Narrative," shown in the box just below the research question. This is an account of the data that you construct in order to answer the research question, and which I will give to you later as representing the results of our research. The remaining four boxes describe the process of structured reading of the text in order to extract the four layers of meaning that result in a theoretical narrative. Each step in the structured reading is a progressive abstraction from the raw text. The first step, relevant text, involves reading the raw text and discriminating between segments of text that are relevant to the research question and those that are not. The second step, repeating ideas, derives from the fact as you are reading the text you notice that different research participants are saying the same thing in different words. We call the ideas they are expressing in different ways repeating ideas. For example, one man said "I always thought I’d be a father," and another man said "I always wanted to have children." Both are expressing the repeating idea of early expectations of having children. The next step, cultural themes, derives from the fact that repeating ideas fall into naturally related thematic groupings. We call these groupings cultural themes. For example, the repeating idea of early expectations for children falls into the larger theme of "a long standing dream of having children." This larger theme incorporates not only expectations, but also hopes, desires, plans, etc. The final step involves developing more abstract theoretical constructs, which translate the subjective experience of the research participants into the theoretical language of the social sciences. For example, the cultural theme of "a long standing dream of having children" is incorporated into the theoretical construct of role strain. Role strain is an incompatibility between this long standing dream and the constraints of the traditional role. These constraints are, of course, the incompatibility between being gay and being a father. The theoretical narrative is stated in terms of the theoretical constructs.

For purposes of exposition I have described the steps of data analysis sequentially, as a linear movement from raw text to theoretical narrative. However, the process is nonlinear and the results of the later steps often lead one to revise the earlier ones. For example, the reader’s sense of an emerging theme may lead to a rereading the text in search of repeating ideas that support this theme. In other words, the reading process is simultaneously bottom-up and top-down; it proceeds upward from text to theoretical narrative, and downward from theoretical narrative to text.

Results

Let me now talk about the results. Based on our analysis of this data and also data from other studies we conducted, we have developed a model for the social transformation of fathering roles. The model is shown in Figure 2. It deals with the change from a traditional fathering role - the box on the left - to a restructured fathering role - the box on the right. It makes use of four theoretical constructs: gender role strain, facilitating ideology, social supports, and personal gratification. Each of these is labeled in the diagram as culturally specific, to indicate that the specific form these constructs take depends upon the subculture being studied.

In what follows I’m going to define the constructs and also present the textual data from which they were derived. When we publish our results we typically report the theoretical constructs, the cultural themes on which they are based, and the repeating ideas that fall under each cultural theme. But in this more abbreviated presentation I’m going to give the theoretical constructs, define them in terms of the cultural themes, and present repeating ideas in the form of quotes to illustrate the themes.

The first of our constructs we name gender role strain, a term derived from the work of Joe Pleck. This construct labels the motivation for changing a traditional role. In general it describes conflicts inherent in a gender role itself, either between contradictory demands of the role, or between demands of the role and people’s basic human needs. For this group of men role strain took the form of heterosexist role strain, a conflict between their lifelong dream of being a father and the traditional assumption that being gay is incompatible with having children. The following quote is illustrative.

Gay men didn’t have children unless there was a previous marriage. I knew I was not going to go the marriage route, so I just assumed I would never have children.

The second of our constructs we name facilitating ideology. It is necessary because role strain provides a motive for changing the traditional role, but it does not provide a way of envisioning a restructured role. This function is fulfilled by a facilitating ideology, a system of beliefs about how the social world can and should be reorganized. These men developed a facilitating ideology of degendered personally negotiated parenting roles. There were two aspects to the facilitating ideology. The first was substituting the generic role of parent for the stereotypic roles of traditional mother and traditional father. The following quotes are illustrative.

People ask us "Who’s the mom, who’s the dad ...How do you divide labor in the house?" ....We do what we want, what we like to do. If neither of us like to do it and we can afford to, we just hire someone.

I don’t view myself as a father, I view myself as a parent ...To me fatherhood has connotations which are not really to do anything - the caregiving, the teaching, or those kind of things - and I’m much more involved in that.

The second aspect of facilitating ideology involved a change in the division of labor within the family. It changed from the gendered division of labor associated with the traditional role to a division of labor that was negotiated according to individual styles and preferences. The next quote illustrates this.

One thing I’ve always enjoyed about being gay is there’s no script. You’re inventing everything yourself. To me that’s the whole issue ... You’re inventing things that work ...because the old structures are breaking down.

The third of our constructs we named social supports. It is necessary because change is difficult and anxiety producing, and new roles are difficult to master. Not just ideas but also support is required for change. Our theoretical construct of social supports refers to social groupings ranging from small groups to institutional structures. These help people deal with the anxiety associated with change, and give them opportunity to practice and work through the new roles. Among these men, social support took the form of what we called proactive construction of support and protection. This had two aspects. The first was that the men, in the absence of traditional social supports, created their own social support networks. The following quote illustrates the absence of social support networks.

(We) thought that we were the only two gay men in whole world who ever asked to have a baby because we didn’t know any gay fathers ...We told absolutely no one that we were doing this because we were so scared that somebody would try to stop it.

The second aspect of social supports was that the men took steps to create an environment where their children would feel safe. The next quote illustrates this.

We are continually coming out ...because it’s so important for us to convey to our kids a sense that we are very comfortable and proud of who we are because they’re going to be dealing with a lot of crap about having a different family.

The fourth of our constructs we named personal gratifications. It is necessary because changes must be rewarding to be permanent. The new role constructed must both resolve the tensions created by the old role, and also provide rewards missing from the old role. We use the construct personal gratifications to describe these rewards for change. For these men, it took the form of a transformed sense of self and relations. The next two quotes show this.

I see myself as better than I ever thought I would be.

(Referring to his child) I’m in love. I feel love, the kind of love I’ve never felt before.

Discussion and Concluding Remarks

Let me now make some concluding remarks about our methodology and the implications of our results. First methodology. In developing our methodology we have had to consider the reliability, validity, and generalizability of our results. Because we couldn’t deal with these statistically, we developed qualitative equivalents, which I want to describe to you. The qualitative equivalent of reliability we call convergence. It applies at the level of relevant text and repeating ideas, and refers to the use of multiple readers to jointly determine the relevant text and repeating ideas. The qualitative equivalent of validity we call endorsement. It applies at the level of cultural themes, and refers to presenting our cultural themes to the research participants to see whether they correspond or fail to correspond to their experience. The qualitative equivalent of generalizability we call analytic utility. It applies at the level of theoretical constructs and refers to refining the model for the social construction of fathering roles using a process of theoretical sampling. In general, we have found convergence among readers, endorsement among research participants, and that our model is analytically useful in describing a large variety of American subcultures.

Our research program also bears on broader social issues. At present, the United States is in the throes of a heated cultural debate about traditional family and gender roles. One side of the debate, derived from evolutionary psychology, believes that the traditional gender roles are rooted in the human evolutionary past, and therefore are a necessary condition for a workable society. The other side, the social constructivists, argue that the traditional gender roles are determined by patriarchal social arrangements, and therefore can be modified in the interests of social justice and equality. Our results illustrate the possibility of radically reconstructing gendered parenting roles and therefore support the social constructivist position.

References

Auerbach, C., Silverstein, L., & Zizi, M. (1997). The evolving structure of fatherhood: A qualitative study of Haitian-American fathers. Journal of African American men, 2, 59-85.

Silverstein, L. B., Auerbach, C., Grieco, L., & Dunkel, F. (in press). Do Promise Keepers dream of feminist sheep? Sex Roles.

Silverstein, L. B. & Auerbach, C. F. (1999). Deconstructing the essential father. American Psychologist, 6, 397-407.



Figure 1. Grounded theory methodology: a progressive layering of meaning onto text in order to produce a theoretical narrative that answers and/or refines a research question.

Figure 2. Model for the social transformation of fathering roles.

[Link: Original Article]
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Thursday, October 1, 1998

Family Court of Australia, Papers and Reports - "Same sex couples and family law" by Jenni Millbank

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Sydney, NSW: Family Court of Australia, Papers and Reports - Paper presented at Third Family Court of Australia National Conference , Melbourne, October 1998, 23p, Online only

Lesbian and gay families have considerably less access to justice than their heterosexual counterparts, both in terms of the limited number of avenues open to them to resolve family disputes, and in terms of the comparatively high cost and complexity of the existing avenues, argues the author. She states that, while in the area of disputes over the residence and care of children, the Family Law Act and the Family Court are among the most progressive and inclusive family law regimes in the world in terms of their approach to same sex families, actions and decisions have not, however, been all plain sailing. An examination of the court's practice shows, at best a rebuttable presumption of risk, and at worst an unshakeable presumption of harm to children from a lesbian or gay parent, argues the author. The author summarises what the social science research indicates about lesbian and gay parenting, and states that the very conclusive findings run directly contrary to many of the assumptions utilised in the legal system regarding lesbian and gay parents, and that it is thus arguable that if the sociological data had been utilised in the cases she has discussed, some different decisions might have been reached.

[Link: Original Article]
[Link: Original Article]
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Friday, November 22, 1996

Family Court of Australia - In the Matter Of: B and J (Artificial Insemination) [1996] FamCA 124

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This is an application by B. ("the applicant") filed on 6 May 1996 for a declaration pursuant to s.107(4)(c) of the Child Support (Assessment) Act 1989 (the "Assessment Act") that he is not, under s.26 of that Act, "a person from whom payment of child support was entitled to be sought" for the children referred to hereafter.

Background

The relevant background may be set out briefly, and was not the subject of any dispute. In approximately November 1987 the applicant was contacted by R., with whom he had had a friendship for some years, who informed him that she wished to participate in a form of lesbian marriage ceremony with J., and that she and J. wished to have children. R. requested that the applicant provide sperm with which she would inseminate J. All three agreed that if he did so he would not under any circumstances be liable to provide financial support for the children or have any future parenting obligations with respect to them. J had, since February 1987, been divorced from her former husband.

The procedure was first carried out in December 1987. On that occasion, R. and J. attended the applicant's residence. The applicant provided the sperm in a container, R. and J. went into another room, and R. inseminated J. with the sperm. The applicant was subsequently informed that conception had not taken place. The procedure was repeated in February 1988, and was on that occasion successful.

In April 1988 the two women participated in a form of marriage ceremony. In November 1988 J. gave birth to a son, who is now aged 7. The applicant had only intermittent contact with the women after the boy's birth and played no parenting role in respect of him.

In approximately September 1993 the artificial insemination procedure was repeated, the applicant providing his sperm subject to the same conditions as attended the first conception. J. conceived as a result of this procedure and gave birth to a second son, in June 1994. That child is now aged two. The applicant visited J. and R. when that child was approximately six months old, but had no further substantial contact with the family and played no parenting role with respect to either child. However, with his consent, he was registered as the father of each of the children on their birth certificates.

In or about April 1995 the applicant received a letter from J. informing him that she had been instructed by the Department of Social Security that payment of her pension would cease unless she applied for child support from him. In the same month he received an assessment from the Child Support Agency indicating that he was required to pay $355.92 per month for the 1994/95 child support year. A subsequent assessment required payment of $393.58 per month for the 1995/96 year. At 19 March 1996 his child support liability stood at $6225.39. The Child Support Agency acted in accordance with the requirements of the Assessment Act in making these assessments. Section 29 of that Act states:

"(1) Subject to this section, in determining whether an application for administrative assessment of child support complies with sections 24, 25, and 26, the Registrar may act on the basis of the application and the documents accompanying the application, and is not required to conduct any inquiries or investigations into the matter.

(2) The Registrar is to be satisfied that a person is a parent of a child only if the Registrar is satisfied: ...

(b) that the person's name is entered in a register of births or parentage information, kept under the law of the Commonwealth or of a State, Territory or prescribed overseas jurisdiction, as a parent of the child;

..."

There was a substantial time lapse between the receipt by the applicant of the first assessment and the filing of this application, but it is unnecessary to record his explanation of that, as it has no relevance to the determination of this case. The matter came before Kay J on 28 June 1996, and his Honour ordered that the proceedings be adjourned so that the Commonwealth Attorney-General and the Child Support Registrar could be invited to present argument on the issues raised. Neither elected to do so.

At the hearing before me the applicant was represented by Dr Kovacs. J. was the respondent to the application and appeared in person. She did not oppose the application. She indicated that she was contemplating the commencement of proceedings for some form of child support against R. Their relationship had ended in February 1996.

The Issue

The essential question in this case is whether the applicant is "a person from whom payment of child support was entitled to be sought for the child(ren)", pursuant to s.26 of the Assessment Act. The question arises in that form because the applicant applied for a declaration pursuant to s.107(4)(c) of that Act that he is not such a person. Section 107 provides:

"(1) Where the Registrar accepts an application for administrative assessment of child support for a child, the person from whom the application sought payment of child support may apply to a court having jurisdiction under this Act for a declaration that the applicant was not entitled to administrative assessment of child support for the child payable by the person.

...

(4) If the Court is satisfied:

...

(c) that the person from whom the application sought payment of child support was not, under section 26, a person from whom payment of child support was entitled to be sought for the child;

the court may grant the declaration."

The Child Support (Assessment) Act

The Child Support (Assessment) Act was passed by the Federal Parliament in September 1989. It provides a detailed administrative and judicial scheme for the financial support of children who fall within its reach. (Cases which fall within it are commonly referred to as "Stage 2" cases, while all other child support cases, which are brought under the Family Law Act, are known as "Stage 1" cases.) The effect of ss. 18 to 21 and 24 of the Assessment Act is that an "eligible child" under that Act is an unmarried child under the age of eighteen who is present in Australia or an Australian citizen or ordinarily resident in Australia on the day on which the application is made, and: was born on or after the commencing day of the Act (1 October 1989); was born before that date but whose parents separated after it; or the sibling of a child born after the commencing date.

Under the Act an "eligible carer" of a child may apply for child support from a "parent" of the child, with whom the eligible carer is not living, if the parent from whom the support is sought is resident in Australia on the day of the making of the application. The term "eligible carer" is defined in s.5 to mean a person who is the sole or principal provider of ongoing daily care for the child; or a person who has major contact with the child; or a person who shares ongoing daily care of the child substantially equally with another person; or a person who has substantial contact with the child. The expressions "major contact" and "substantial contact" are defined in s.8(3). An "eligible carer" need not be a parent of the child.

The restriction of applications under the Assessment Act to applications seeking child support from a "parent" of the child who is resident in Australia on the day the application is made is found in s. 26 of the Assessment Act, to which s.107(4)(c) makes reference. It provides:

"Application may be made to the Registrar for administrative assessment of child support for a child only if the application seeks payment of the child support from a person who is:

(a) a parent of the child; and

(b) a resident of Australia on the day on which the application is made."

In the present case, the applicant is a resident of Australia, and was so on the day on which the mother's application was made. Therefore, his liability for the support of the two children depends entirely on the question whether he is a "parent" of the children, and so falls within the ambit of s.26.

Ordinarily, the biological parents of a child are treated in law as the parents of the child. However, s.5 of the Assessment Act alters that position for two categories of children by providing that:

""parent" means:

(a) when used in relation to a child who has been adopted - an adoptive parent of the child; and

(b) when used in relation to a child born because of the carrying out of an artificial conception procedure - a person who is a parent of the child under section 60H of the Family Law Act 1975;"

The effect of the use of the word "means" in that definition, rather than "includes" (or other similar expression), is, in my view, to provide an exhaustive definition within the context of the circumstances referred to, that is, of those two categories: see Sherritt Gordon Mines v. FC of T (1976) 10 ALR 441 at 455. Therefore, where the term "parent" is used in the Assessment Act in relation to a child born as a result of an artificial conception procedure, it means only a person who is a parent of a child under s.60H of the Family Law Act. For the purposes of the Assessment Act, s.60H of the Family Law Act makes exhaustive provision in this regard. Where it operates its effect is to alter the position which would otherwise operate - namely that each biological parent of a child is that child's parent.

Section 60H of the Family Law Act

Section 60H of the Family Law Act is titled "Children born as a result of artificial conception procedures". The definition of "artificial conception procedure" is to be found in s.60D, which states:

""artificial conception procedure" includes:

(a) artificial insemination; and

(b) the implantation of an embryo in the body of a woman".

Section 60H is essentially divided into three separate categories, each with a different focus.

Section 60H(1) provides:

"If:

(a) a child is born to a woman as a result of the carrying out of an artificial conception procedure while the woman was married to a man; and

(b) either of the following paragraphs apply:

(i) the procedure was carried out with their consent;

(ii) under a prescribed law of the Commonwealth or of a State or Territory, the child is a child of the woman and of the man;

then, whether or not the child is biologically a child of the woman and of the man, the child is their child for the purposes of this Act."

This subsection is extended by subsection (4) which provides:

(4) If a person lives with another person as the husband or wife of the first-mentioned person on a genuine domestic basis although not legally married to that person, subsection (1) applies in relation to them as if:

(a) they were married to each other; and

(b) neither person were married to any other person."

Subsection (1) (in combination with subsection (4)) deals with a child born as a result of any type of artificial conception procedure to a woman who is married or lives with a man in what, for convenience, I will call a subsection (4) relationship. It provides that where the woman and her husband, or subsection (4) partner, consent to the carrying out of the procedure, or under a prescribed Commonwealth, State or Territory law the child is their child, then the child is to be regarded as their child for Family Law Act purposes. There are prescribed laws under s.60H(1) in relation to each of the States and Territories except Queensland. These focus, as does (1)(b)(i), on the couple's consent. However, as only one of the limbs of s.60H(1)(b) needs to be satisfied, a failure to prescribe a law under (ii) would be of no significance, as long as the procedure is carried out with the couple's consent.

This is the least contentious category of s.60H. Where husband and wife, or subsection (4) partners, both consent to the carrying out of an artificial conception procedure, they are the parents of any child whose birth results from that procedure, and the donors of the genetic material, whether male or female, are implicitly (and by virtue of the legislation of some States and Territories, explicitly) to be regarded as not the parents of such a child for that purpose.

Subsection (2) deals with the legal status of a woman who gives birth to a child as a result of an artificial conception procedure where that woman is neither married nor in a subsection (4) relationship, or where the procedure is carried out without the consent of her husband or partner. It provides:

"If:

(a) a child is born to a woman as a result of the carrying out of an artificial conception procedure; and

(b) under a prescribed law of the Commonwealth or of a State or Territory, the child is a child of the woman;

then, whether or not the child is biologically a child of the woman, the child is her child for the purposes of this Act."

This subsection seems designed to address the situation of ova donation, and its effect is that where a prescribed law provides that the child to whom the woman gives birth is to be treated as her child, then, regardless of the fact that the child is not her genetic child, the child is to be treated as her child for the purposes of the Family Law Act. Implicitly, in such a case, the ova donor is not to be regarded as a parent of the child.

There are prescribed laws only in relation to South Australia, the ACT and the Northern Territory which have that effect. (See later)

Subsection (3) deals with the legal status of a man who donates semen which is used by a woman who is not married or in a subsection (4) relationship, or where the insemination takes place otherwise than with the consent of the husband or partner. It provides:

"(3) If:

(a) a child is born to a woman as a result of the carrying out of an artificial conception procedure; and

(b) under a prescribed law of the Commonwealth or of a State or Territory, the child is a child of a man;

then, whether or not the child is biologically a child of the man, the child is his child for the purposes of this Act."

Its effect is that where under a prescribed law of a State or Territory the child is a child of that man, the child is also to be regarded as his child under the Family Law Act. However, there are no laws prescribed under s.60H(3).

Position of the Applicant

Subsection (3) is the provision which is relevant here. The term "artificial insemination" is not defined in the Family Law Act but it clearly covers the procedures which were carried out in this case. Specifically, there is no warrant to read that term down to cover only cases of authorised insemination carried out in conformity with relevant State or Territory law (as to which see later).

Accordingly, whether the present applicant is a "parent" for the purposes of the Assessment Act turns on the words of s.60H(3) of the Family Law Act, as picked up by s.5 of the Assessment Act. Both limbs of that subsection must be satisfied; otherwise he is not a parent for that purpose. The first limb is established - the birth of children as a result of the carrying out of an artificial conception procedure. Therefore, the applicant will be a "parent" of the children, if but only if "under a prescribed law of the Commonwealth or of a State or Territory, the (children are children) of (the applicant)". However, as mentioned earlier, there are no relevant prescribed laws. Consequently, the second limb of s.60H(3) cannot be satisfied.

At first sight it seems unsatisfactory that no prescription has been made where the legislation appears to contemplate that course. But, as Dr Kovacs pointed out, the circumstance that there are no such prescribed laws is not surprising once one examines the laws of the States and Territories with respect to the position of donors of semen in procedures for artificial insemination. The relevant Victorian provision is s.10F of the Status of Children Act 1974, which provides:

(1) Where semen is used in a procedure of artificial insemination of a woman who is not a married woman or of a married woman otherwise than in accordance with the consent of her husband, the man who produced the semen has no rights and incurs no liabilities in respect of a child born as a result of a pregnancy occurring by reason of the use of that semen unless, at any time, he becomes the husband of the mother of the child.

(2) For the purposes of sub-section (1), the rights and liabilities of a man who becomes the husband of the mother of a child so born are the rights and liabilities of a father of a child but, in the absence of agreement to the contrary, do not include liabilities incurred before the man becomes the husband of the mother."

It should be noted that s.10A also contains provisions whose effect is similar to that of s.60H(4) of the Family Law Act in that it brings parties living together on a bona fide domestic basis within references to parties who are married.

The effect of the Victorian Act - which deals with the legal consequences of artificial insemination - is therefore to positively provide that the donor of the semen is not to incur any liability (nor to attain any rights) in relation to a child born as a result. The position is the same in all the other States and Territories, though the wording chosen to give effect to this position varies. See: Artificial Conception Act 1984 (NSW) ss.3 and 6; Status of Children Act 1978 (Qld) ss.13 and 18; Family Relationships Act 1975 (S.A.) ss. 10(a) and 10(e); Artificial Conception Act 1985 (W.A.) ss.3 and 7; Status of Children Act 1974 (Tas) s.10C; Artificial Conception Act 1985 (A.C.T.) ss.3 and 7; Status of Children Act 1978 (N.T.) ss.5A and 5F.

This uniformity of approach is far from coincidental. In July 1980 the Standing Committee of Commonwealth and State Attorneys-General determined that uniform legislation on the status of children born as a result of artificial insemination by donor treatments should be enacted in all Australian jurisdictions, and agreed that the legislation should provide that:

"a husband who consents to his wife being artificially inseminated with donor sperm shall be deemed to be the father of any child born as a result of the insemination;

the sperm donor shall have no rights or liabilities in respect of the use of the semen; and

any child born as a result of AID (artificial insemination by donor) shall have no rights or liabilities in respect of the sperm donor."

The Standing Committee re-affirmed these recommendations in 1981, 1982 and 1983.

It was as a result of this agreement that legislation which is identical for relevant purposes was passed in the States and Territories, designed to provide that the semen donor would incur no liability (nor attain any rights) in respect of a child born as a result of that procedure. That is not, however, to say that State and Territory legislation authorises the carrying out of all such procedures. Separate legislation makes provision which regulates these procedures and, in some instances, criminalises unauthorised artificial insemination. For example, s.17 of the Infertility (Medical Procedures) Act 1984 (Vic.), which appears to have been breached here, provides:

"(1) A person, who is not a medical practitioner shall not carry out a procedure of artificial insemination.

Penalty: 25 penalty units or imprisonment for one year.

(2) Sub-section (1) does not apply to a person who carries out a procedure of artificial insemination in an approved hospital."

Under the Infertility Treatment Act 1995 (Vic.), the majority of which has yet to come into operation, penalties for the carrying out of unauthorised procedures will be substantially increased. The relevant section, s.7, which has not yet come into effect, provides:

"(1) A person may only carry out artificial insemination of a woman using sperm from a man who is not the husband of the woman at a place other than a hospital or centre licensed under Part 8 for the carrying out of donor insemination if he or she-

(a) is a doctor who is approved under Part 8 to carry out donor insemination; and

(b) (a number of other requirements are met).

Penalty: 480 penalty units or 4 years imprisonment or both.

(2) A person may only carry out artificial insemination of a woman using sperm from a man who is not the husband of the woman at a place that is a hospital or centre licensed under Part 8 for the carrying out of donor insemination-

(a) if-

(i) he or she is a doctor who is approved under Part 8 to carry out donor insemination; or

(ii) the woman on whom the insemination is to be carried out is in charge of a doctor who is approved under Part 8 to carry out donor insemination; and

(b) in either case, that doctor is satisfied that the requirements (referred to in (1)(b)) have been met.

Penalty: 480 penalty units or 4 years imprisonment or both."

That the regulation of artificial insemination - and its discouragement unless performed within the parameters of the regulatory scheme - was to be achieved by the use of criminal sanctions rather than by the imposition of liability for the support of children born as a result is illustrated by the statement of the then Minister for Health in Victoria, Mr Roper, when introducing the 1984 Bill to the Legislative Assembly on 18 April 1984 that:

"In each case the provisions make it clear that the donor of the genetic material shall not have (sic.) legal relationship with the child. In addition, honourable members will observe that proposed section 10F protects from legal liability the donor of semen where that semen is used in an AID procedure involving a single woman - that is, one who does not have an established legal or de facto relationship - or in an AID procedure where a married woman does not have the consent of her husband. Both of these procedures will be rendered unlawful by the Infertility (Medical Procedures) Bill.

The Government does not condone the practice of artificial insemination of single women by donor. Nonetheless, it recognizes that artificial insemination by donor can be effected by very simple means and away from approved hospitals. Donors who may have unwittingly provided semen used unlawfully in these ways should not be placed at risk of being regarded as the legal father of any child born as a result of such procedures. For that reason section 10F is proposed to be included. I commend the Bill to the House."

In this light, it may be understandable why there are no prescribed laws pursuant to s.60H(3). The Attorneys-General agreed that a man who donated semen for artificial insemination - and who was not the husband or a subsection (4) partner of the woman, or a person who subsequently entered such a relationship with that woman - should not be treated as a parent of the child, with the consequences which usually attach to that position. The States and Territories so provided.

This position could not have been clarified by the prescription of s.10F of the Victorian Status of Children Act and its equivalents in the other States and the Territories under s.60H(3) because that subsection allows for the prescription of a positive ("the child is a child of a man") but not the prescription of a negative (such as that the donor "has no rights and incurs no liabilities"). (The effect of this agreed position in the States and Territories is that in relation to children who are born as a result of artificial conception procedures in circumstances not covered by (1) there is no male parent who might exercise parental responsibilities or be subject to the liabilities of a parent. In contrast, even where State or Territory legislation provides that the donor of ova is not to be regarded as a parent of the child, there will be another person - the birth mother - who is so regarded.)

The result is that the effect of s.5 of the Assessment Act and its incorporation of the definitions contained in s.60H as an exhaustive definition for the purpose of that Act in relation to children born as a result of artificial conception procedures, is that the applicant is not a parent of the children for the purposes of that Act.

This view is supported by the recent decision of Hodgson J in the Supreme Court of New South Wales in W v. G (1996) 20 Fam LR 49. Though that case concerned the liability for child maintenance (in its non-specific sense) of the mother's lesbian partner, and his Honour found that the partner was estopped from denying liability, his Honour also referred to the position of the biological father of the children. After referring to the definition of parent (s.5 Assessment Act) he said at 64:

"In my opinion, that definition (by using the word "means" rather than "includes") makes it clear that, in relation to a child born in the carrying out of an artificial conception procedure, the only person or persons who satisfy the definition of parent in the Child Support Assessment Act will (so far as New South Wales is concerned) be persons who come within s.60B(1). A biological parent, who donated sperm, will not be a parent, unless caught by s 60B(1)."

(Note that prior to the enactment of the Family Law Reform Act 1995, the provisions of s.60H were to be found - in identical terms - in s.60B.)

In light of the position that applies across all the States and Territories, that paragraph may safely be read with the omission of the words "so far as New South Wales is concerned".

I should point out that it seems clear that there is no basis in the relevant legislation for distinguishing between anonymous and known donors of semen or ova. Were it the intention of the legislature that donors of semen or ova who were known to the recipient, or were even in a form of ongoing relationship with the recipient which fell short of that required by s.60H(4), were to be treated differently from anonymous and otherwise unrelated donors, that intention could easily have been expressed. In the absence of any such indication, the conclusions which I have reached must apply equally to both categories: see W v. G, supra, at 62-63, where Hodgson J reaches the same conclusion.

Therefore, I find that the applicant is not a "parent" within s.26 of the Assessment Act. Accordingly, I will make the declaration sought by the applicant pursuant to s.107(4)(c) of that Act.

In those circumstances, it is unnecessary to deal with Dr Kovacs' subsidiary argument that the mother is estopped from asserting in an application for child support that the applicant is a parent because the children were conceived in the context of an agreement between the applicant and J. and R. that the applicant would have no parental rights or obligations.

However, I should say that it is, in my view, untenable to suggest that an otherwise liable parent may contract out of liability for child support, or that an otherwise entitled parent may waive a "right" to assistance for the support of his or her child.

It is well established that statutory rights granted to individuals which rest upon wider principles of public policy may not be waived. As Dawson J said in Brown v. The Queen [1986] HCA 11; (1986) 160 CLR 171 at 208, a statutory right or benefit may only be waived if it is "a personal or private one and (it) must not rest upon public policy or expediency". See the long line of authority supporting this proposition, including Great Eastern Railway Co. v. Goldsmid (1884) 9 App. Cas. 927; Wilson v. McIntosh [1894] A.C. 129; Toronto Corporation v. Russell [1908] A.C. 493; Equitable Life Assurance Society of the United States v. Reed [1973] UKHL 5; [1914] A.C. 587; Davies v. Davies [1919] HCA 17; (1919) 26 C.L.R. 348; and more recently The Commonwealth v. Verwayen [1990] HCA 39; (1990) 170 C.L.R. 394, especially per Mason CJ at 405-6.

The financial support of children is a matter of great public interest. The community as a whole would be adversely affected if a person were permitted to waive a "right" to seek support from a child's parent. The enactment itself of the Assessment Act in 1989 and the amendments made to the child support provisions of the Family Law Act in 1987 emphasise the significance of the primary responsibility of parents for the support of their children and were specifically enacted to deal with what were regarded as deficiencies in the previous position. Longstanding authority in Australia and overseas has made it clear that such is the nature of the responsibility in this area that parents may not contract out of that responsibility. In addition, it needs to be emphasised that not only has the community a substantial interest in this area but the right to child support is the right of the child which may not be waived or contracted out by that child's parents, both of whom have the responsibility for that child.

Dr Kovacs drew our attention to some decisions in the United States of America which may suggest, at least in the context of artificial conception procedures, that parents may contract out of those rights. Whether or not those cases represent the law in that country, they have no application in Australia.

Further, while Dr Kovacs confined this submission to cases of artificial insemination, as a matter of logic it would appear to apply equally to cases where a child is born as a result of intercourse, in the context of an greement that one of the parties would bear no financial responsibility. The considerations said to give rise to an estoppel would exist regardless of the method of conception. Such agreements or representations would not be enforced in Australia.

Anomalies in both the Child Support (Assessment) Act and the Family Law Act

There are a number of issues which the structure of the relevant legislation leaves unresolved. Though they are not relevant to the present application, and though argument in this case did not address them in any detail, they are matters of importance which should be identified, as they may require further consideration.

The first is the question whether a person such as the applicant would be a "parent" within Part VII of the Family Law Act, including in relation to Stage 1 child support applications. Those provisions (Division 7 of Part VII) apply to the financial support of children in cases where the application could not be brought under the Assessment Act.

Section 66E of the Family Law Act provides:

"(1) A court having jurisdiction under this Part must not, at any time, make, revive or vary a child maintenance order in relation to a child on the application of a person (the "applicant") against, or in favour of, a person (the "respondent") if an application could properly be made, at that time, under the Child Support (Assessment) Act 1989 for administrative assessment of child support (within the meaning of that Act):

(a) by the applicant seeking payment of child support for the child from the respondent; or

(b) by the respondent seeking payment of child support for the child from the applicant.

(2) Subsection (1) has effect whether or not an application for administrative assessment of child support for the child has in fact been made (whether by the applicant, the respondent or another person)."

In addition to the circumstances of this case, other examples of cases where application could be made only under the Stage 1 provisions are: where the temporal requirements referred to earlier are not satisfied; where child support is being sought from a step-parent; where child support is being sought from a person not resident in Australia; and where support is sought for a child over the age of 18.

For the reasons given earlier, the application here could not be made under Stage 2, so the effect of s.66E is that a Stage 1 application is still potentially open.

Though Division 7 does not expressly limit applications for support to support sought from a "parent" of the child, the expressed objects (s.66B) and principles (s.66C) of the Division refer to the financial duties and responsibilities of the child's parents. Section 66B(1) provides that the "principal object of this Division is to ensure that children receive a proper level of financial support from their parents". Section 66C(1) states that "the parents of a child have, subject to this Division, the primary duty to maintain the child".

The difficulty which arises is that it does not appear that "parent" would mean the same in a Stage 1 case as it does in a Stage 2 case. That is because it is the use in s.5 of the Assessment Act of the term "means" which confines an artificial conception procedure "parent" to a parent under s.60H of the Family Law Act. The effect of that provision, as I have said, is that where a child is born as a result of an artificial conception procedure, for the purposes of the child support legislation, only s.60H parents are parents of the children.

However, there is no corresponding provision in the Family Law Act which would exclude a biological parent from otherwise being regarded as a parent. That is to say that it is not clear that the provisions of s.60H do not enlarge, rather than restrict, the categories of persons who are regarded as a child's parents. In the case of the Assessment Act, it is the word "means" which makes it clear that the provision is exhaustive. Prima facie, s.60H is not exclusive, and so there would need to be a specific provision to exclude people who would otherwise be parents. Relevantly here, that means the donor of the genetic material.

Second, if a semen donor could be the subject of a Stage 1 application (because not excluded by the legislation from being a parent of the child), he would, presumably, be a "parent" for all the other provisions of Part VII of the Family Law Act. This would encompass the statement of the objects and principles of Part VII in s.60B including "to ensure that parents fulfil their duties, and meet their responsibilities, concerning the care, welfare and development of their children"; and that except where contrary to the child's best interests, a child has the right to know and be cared for by both parents, a right of contact on a regular basis with both parents, that parents share duties and responsibilities concerning the care, welfare and development of their children, and that parents should agree about the future parenting of their children.

Further, and more specifically, parental responsibilities which s.61C ascribes to a child's parents in the absence of a court order to the contrary would reside with the donor (and the other party), until a court ordered otherwise. And, in determining the child's best interests, the donor's relationship with the child would need to be considered (s.68F(2)(b). I need not here refer to each of the sections in which the term "parent" is used, but these examples demonstrate the difficulty to which the legislation may lead.

Dr Kovacs submitted that if the applicant were a "parent" for Assessment Act purposes, he would also be a parent for the purposes of the general parenting provisions of the Family Law Act. That is correct, because, the Family Law Act "parent" being wider than the Assessment Act parent, any person who fell within the latter would fall also within the former. But for the reasons I have outlined, the converse would not be true. A person who is not an Assessment Act parent may still be a Family Law Act parent.

These difficulties, it would appear, would apply equally in Victoria, New South Wales, Queensland, Western Australia and Tasmania in the case of a donor of ova to a woman who is not married or in a subsection (4) relationship. That is because there is no prescribed law under s.60H(2) in any of those States which provides that the birth mother rather than the genetic mother is to be regarded as the child's mother. The only prescribed laws pursuant to s.60H(2) are the Family Relationships Act 1975 (S.A.) ss.10b and 10c, the Status of Children Act 1978 (N.T.) ss. 5B and 5C; the Artificial Conception Act 1985 (A.C.T.) ss. 3, 4 and 6, and they provide unequivocally that the child is to be regarded as the child of the birth mother. Also, in these five States, the birth mother may not be a "parent" for Part VII purposes. However, this is a rare situation and is unlikely to be of great practical importance. It is the ease and greater frequency of artificial insemination by semen as compared to the transfer of ova which makes the former a much more common area of difficulty.

It is possible that the absence of prescription of State and Territory legislation is due to a view that, absent a contrary intention in particular legislation, the term "parent" in Commonwealth legislation is to be given the meaning ascribed to it in State and Territory legislation. Alternatively, the view may be that the 1987 referral of power by the States to the Commonwealth in respect of ex-nuptial children is to be read subject to the pre-existing State provisions on the position of a donor as parent (though this would not rectify the difficulties in relation to the Territories).

However, as the Commonwealth did not intervene in this case and as no argument was addressed to these issues, I express no views about them or any other reasons for non-prescription.

Finally, it appears to me that in this and like cases, the mother of the children would, as well as the father, not be a parent for Assessment Act purposes. Following the same path as for the applicant, s.5 of the Assessment Act refers the question to the exclusive s.60H categories. Section 60H(2) is the relevant one in the case of the mother, but in New South Wales, Victoria, Queensland, Tasmania and Western Australia there are no relevant prescribed laws.

This would not itself preclude a mother of a child born as a result of an artificial conception procedure from applying for Stage 2 child support, because such applications may be made by "eligible carer(s)" of the child and not only parents (s.25 Assessment Act). However, it would preclude the pursuit of a Stage 2 application seeking child support from her. If, in this case, on the break-up of the mother's relationship, the children had remained in the care of the mother's partner, the partner (here female - but equally if a male partner) would have been unable to seek Stage 2 support from the children's own biological and birth mother who had cared for them to that point. However, the partner may have been able to seek Stage 1 child support on the basis that s.60H does not itself narrow the categories of parents.

Further, the recognition of this anomaly strengthens the view that s.60H is not an exclusive category. Were it so, the children's mother would not be their "parent" for any of the purposes of Part VII. That would be a clearly absurd and, presumably, unintended result.

Some of these issues appear to me to require legislative clarification, including perhaps legislation which operates retrospectively. It is a reality of life that children are born as a result of a variety of artificial conception procedures, out of non-traditional circumstances, and into non-traditional families. Legislation which deals with the personal and financial responsibility for such children should be clear and exhaustive and should recognise the reality of these situations.

Conclusions

For the reasons stated, I will make a declaration pursuant to s.107(4)(c) of the Child Support (Assessment) Act that the applicant is not a "person from whom payment of child support was entitled to be sought" for the relevant children.

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Tuesday, September 3, 1996

E Law - Murdoch University Electronic Journal of Law - "Is the tide truly turning?: gays, lesbians, adoption and custody" by F Banks

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Banks, F, Professor of Law, University of Newcastle, Newcastle NSW 2308

E Law - Murdoch University Electronic Journal of Law v.3 no.3 Sept 1996

By examining United States case law involving disputes of adoption and custody by homosexual individuals and couples, the author concludes that recent court decisions appear to have taken a more positive view of the gay and lesbian relationships which were involved in the various decisions. The author comments on the relevance of these decisions to the existing and future Australian situation. He concludes that, unfortunately, United States law does not seem to have had direct impact on Australian law. The author believes that due to societal pressures the courts in Australia leave the impression that gay and lesbian people are awarded rights, privileges or responsibilities in respect of children faute de mieux. Such pressures might also be seen to be responsible for extremely detailed judicial reasoning for making orders in favour of gay and lesbian people. Bates is critical of the Australian courts' approach and believes that it is the responsibility of judicial and administrative officers, academics and all those interested in societal developments to ensure that they are resisted, and instead focus on the need for a child to be brought up in a secure and loving environment, regardless of the sexual orientation of the caregivers.

[Link: Original Article]
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